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If the U. N. gets its way, 'nanny state' will no longer be hyperbole
By Dr. Wade F. Horn
http://www.jewishworldreview.com --
Geneva, Switzerland --- I
just attended a four day conference with the ambitious title, World
Congress of Families. Chiefly sponsored by the Howard Center for
Family, Religion and Society, the omnipresent theme of the meeting
was that the natural family, consisting of a mother and a father
bound in marriage and raising children, forms the basis of
civilization. The proper role of government is to protect and
encourage strong and autonomous families.
Who, you might ask, could be against such a proposition?
Unfortunately, many more than you might think. As attendees at this
conference learned, many of them operate within an organization with
a headquarters in the very city hosting this unashamedly pro family
meeting: the United Nations.
The UN was founded after World War II as a means for resolving
international disputes in order to avoid armed conflicts -- a worthy
goal, indeed. Over the years, however, it has drifted into a broader
social agenda aimed at re defining many traditional structures and
beliefs.
A case in point is the "United Nations Convention on the Rights
of the Child." Initially drafted in the late 1980s, the Convention
has since been ratified by every member of the UN - except, that is,
for Somalia and the United States. Somalia's probably just being
ornery. But why not the United States?
Why not, indeed. On the surface the Convention includes many high
sounding and laudatory pronouncements, such as its prohibitions on
child slavery and child prostitution. However, it also contains
provisions that many social conservatives in the U.S. believe could
disrupt the natural family by driving a wedge between parents and
their children.
Take, for example, Article 13. It reads: "The child shall have
the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom
to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas of all kinds,
regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in
the form of art, or through any other media of the child's choice."
Incredibly, there is no limitation whatsoever on this right. So, if
a 12 year old child wants to view pornography on the Internet, under
this Article, his parents would be powerless to stop him.
Similarly, Article 15 asserts that children have a right to
freedom of association. While some degree of freedom of association
under the watchful eye of caring parents is certainly to be
encouraged, what if a 13 year old wants to "freely associate" with
known drug dealers or pimps? Given the absence of any articulation
of the right of parents to enforce reasonable limitations on this
right, the child's parents would be unable to prevent her from doing
so.
Further, Article 16 asserts that a child has the right to be
protected against "arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or
her privacy." Since "arbitrary" is left undefined, this article
could be used to void parental notification laws in cases of minors
seeking abortion, or prevent parents from searching their child's
room if they suspected their child was involved in drug or alcohol
use.
In essence, what the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child
does is render the opinions of adults to be, well, mere opinions, no
more or less important than the opinions of children. Government is
elevated to the status of referee, arbitrating the competing
opinions of parents and children.
What makes this especially troubling is that the Convention is
defined as a treaty. Under the Constitution, when U.S. law is in
conflict with a treaty, the treaty takes precedence. Consequently,
if the U.S. ratifies this "treaty," it could be used to challenge
all sorts of U.S. laws.
This danger is not at all theoretical. As early as 1995, an
evaluation report from the United Nations committee overseeing the
implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child,
chastised the government of Great Britain, a signatory to the
Convention, for allowing parents to withdraw their children from
parts of a sex education program without the child's consent.
Unfortunately, attempts to erode the autonomy and authority of
parents do not stop at the UN's doorstep. Incredibly, under Maryland
state law, if a child has his or her own library card, library staff
are prohibited from divulging to parents information about their
child's borrowing record, even though the parents are financially
responsible for any lost books or overdue fines.
The message the state of Maryland is sending to parents is clear:
We the state, and not you the parent, are in the best position to
determine what books your child can read. We will monitor what books
your child takes out of the library; indeed, we will protect your
child from any antiquated notions you might have as a parent about
what books your child can read.
Of course, sometimes government intervention into family affairs
is not only appropriate, but also necessary. When, for example, a
parent physically or sexually abuses his children, the state must
intervene.
But just because some parents, sometimes, do bad things, does not
mean that government should act as if every parent is likely to do
so. Rather, government should always assume that because parents are
generally in the best position to make decisions about the welfare
of their children, they must retain maximum decision making
authority when it comes to raising their children.
The real answer to improving the well being of children is not to
establish a new set of "children's rights," but rather to support
the natural and fundamental right of parents to direct the
upbringing of their children. The critical question for those who
would have it otherwise is this: If government intervention into
family life works, why is it that as government has intruded more
and more into family life, has almost every social pathology grown
worse?
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