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A DISTORTED VIEW OF VIOLENCE AGAINST
WOMEN
March 28, 1999
by STEVEN
CHAPMAN
American women have given no indication that
they suddenly feel endangered. This is hard to explain without
contradicting the logic of the 1994 Violence Against Women Act, much
of which was struck down by a federal appeals court earlier this
month. The fact that very few women noticed this blow to their
safety and equality suggests that the epidemic of gender-based
violence the law was designed to combat was less a social reality
than an ideological myth.
Not that attacks on women are fictitious. In a society that has
more than its share of violent crime, neither sex is immune. But
women are less likely than men to suffer from it, and their
victimization has hardly been ignored or condoned, as implied by the
Violence Against Women Act.
The bill is one of a series
of measures through which Washington has intruded into the
politically fruitful area of crime, traditionally the province of
state and local governments.
Both Congress and President Clinton have labored mightily to give
the impression that they are doing everything possible to improve
public safety, short of personally handcuffing suspects.
One of the few limits on their ever-expanding activities is the
Constitution. Our national leaders were surprised five years ago
when the Supreme Court threw out the Gun-Free Schools Act, a
Clintonesque specimen of micromanagement that made it a federal
crime to possess a firearm within 1,000 feet of any school in
America.
The court found that the Constitution didn't give Congress the
authority to legislate on such matters and said, "If we were to
accept the government's arguments, we would be hard pressed to posit
any activity by an individual that Congress is without power to
regulate."
The 4th Circuit Court of Appeals says that goes for the VAWA as
well. The provision it overturned gave victims of "crimes of
violence motivated by gender" the right to sue their attackers in
federal court. The bill's sponsors argued that assaults on women
affect interstate commerce, which Congress has the right to
regulate, but the court perceived this reasoning to be every bit as
ridiculous as it sounds. If this affects interstate commerce, then
there is nothing that doesn't--and nothing the federal government
can't butt into.
Politics aside, there was no reason for Washington to step in.
The VAWA was passed not long after the murder of Nicole Simpson,
which was cited as evidence that the American justice system is
indulgent of the physical abuse of women. But it should have been
clear even then that this type of mayhem is just part of a broader
social malady that plagues both sexes.
Contrary to myth, most of the violence committed by men is
inflicted on other men. White men are three times more likely to be
murdered than white women; black men are five times more likely to
be murdered than black women. But no one interprets these figures to
mean that law enforcement devalues the lives of males.
Hard-line feminists say the chief threat to women comes from the
men in their lives. They would be startled to learn, as journalist
Cathy Young points out in her clear-eyed new book "Ceasefire! Why
Women and Men Must Join Forces to Achieve True Equality," that more
women are attacked each year by other women than by husbands or
ex-husbands. The number of females suffering injuries each year from
domestic abuse is not in the millions, as commonly claimed, but
about 200,000.
Male attacks on women are often depicted as one weapon in a
larger cultural effort to keep uppity females in their place. "Why
on Earth, if battering is a product of male dominance, do lesbians
in some surveys have the highest violence rates of all?" asks Young.
If rape is an expression of male domination of the opposite sex,
then why is it that "gay men are at least as likely to be raped by
their dates as heterosexual women"?
And how do we explain the fact that in surveys that ask violent
heterosexual partners who initiated the violence in their last
fight, "by both spouses' reports, it was the woman about half the
time"? We often hear statistics about women battered by men, but it
is rarely noted that 40,000 males are treated in emergency rooms
each year for injuries inflicted by their partners.
No one regards female assaults on men as "crimes of violence
motivated by gender," yet the VAWA takes it for granted that when a
man deliberately harms a woman, he does it out of hatred or contempt
for half the human race.
The ruling against the VAWA may lead to its invalidation by the
Supreme Court. Even better, it may produce a recognition that our
real problem is not violence against women but violence against
people.
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